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Urban Landscape Architecture in the Reshaping of the Contemporary Cityscape - IOPscience

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My research was hosted by institutions to which I am extremely grateful, and enriched by friends and colleagues to whom I am greatly indebted.

Without those peaceful periods, it would have been very hard indeed to realize this analysis. Thanks to my fellow professors at the Atelier Department for European Social Sciences and Historiography I could enjoy the certainty that urban landscape theories 100 is replaceable, urban landscape theories 100 is a most reassuring feeling.

I express my gratitude to Olivier Bouin for coaching me with care, friendship, and wisdom. My thanks also go to Christopher Ryan for his valuable suggestions regarding the language of the text, and especially to my editors at Palgrave Macmillan, Kristin Purdy and Jessie Wheeler, for having steered me through the production process.

Table 4. As an urban historian, I was intrigued by the unconventional denomi- nation of this notion. This may suit the diverse ambitions behind it, but it can also raise doubts about the possibility of their practical realization.

It is the first time that one of its offi- cial denominations has evoked History. Thus, the title of this book, Historical Urban Landscape, is intended to convey the idea that a critical analysis is necessary if we are to understand the significance and the utility of such a compound. HUL is part of the cultural heritage discourse, which suggests that these aspirations can be associated with the urban landscape theories 100 number of academic initiatives that share the title of heritage studies.

This shows that after approximately five decades the con- ceptualization of cultural heritage has reached the urban landscape theories 100 of independent academic institutionalization. Whereas ethnologists and anthropologists widely discuss the effects on their own disciplines of intangible cultural heritage, codified urban landscape theories 100 two years before HUL,4 historians and the repre- sentatives of other social sciences and the humanities are more reluctant to assess urban landscape theories 100 effects of this recent development of cultural heritage on their respective disciplines.

Nevertheless, they need to become more aware of the growing importance of cultural heritage in social, political, and even economic discourse. Like any international concept codified in standard-setting instru- ments, HUL is expected to achieve urban landscape theories 100 tasks: it should 1 provide a conceptual framework for contemporary urban heritage conservation, 2 provide guidelines for urban heritage management, and 3 serve as a regulatory instrument implemented by different levels of political authori- ties.

Accordingly, its analysis requires a methodological approach which considers these functions simultaneously, as well as the conceptual chal- lenges and the societal novelties which created the need for the wording of the new instrument. The urban landscape theories 100 short history of HUL is situated in the longer history of international urban heritage protection, as well as in the even longer history of urban planning. It can be considered as a manifesta- tion of a new regime in both of these two partially interrelated processes.

In this context, urban heritage appears not merely in its tangible form but also as a resource for development, as well as for local identity-construction, which questions the meaning of authenticity, the original decisive criterion for the selection of Cultural World Heritage Sites. This modification leads to the redefinition of urban heritage sites, which demands a new functional urban landscape theories 100 of authenticity suitable for the new regime.

HUL was intended to channel this current complexity of cultural heritage, as well as to mediate between urban conservation and development. As we shall see later, it is not the only notion to fulfill this complicated mission. Moreover, it is in competition with the others, which makes it possible to identify diverse personal, professional, and group interests in contemporary urban heritage management.

The number of heritage cities is growing exponentially not only among World Heritage Sites but also at lower levels of cultural heritage protection.

It is not obvious, however, how HUL cities could be identi- fied among. Though this book cannot venture to identify all the specific characteristics of HUL cities and evaluate the degree to which they succeed in meeting the expectations of urban heritage conservation, development, and sustainability, some theoretical attempts will be made to determine their group.

The first obvious choice of a HUL city must be Vienna, which hosted the conference where the notion was worded in These 11 urban landscape theories 100 could be currently regarded as the applications of the HUL prin- ciples.

Since HUL is also expected to link and unite the tangible and intan- gible aspects of urban heritage, cities which appear concurrently on both lists could be considered as fitting sites for research into the challenges related to HUL.

According to a non-exhaustive survey, six such cities can be tentatively identified Beijing, Bruges, Cordova, Marrakesh, Palermo, and most recently Viennaout of which the proximity of the two kinds of heritage is the most obvious and best studied in Marrakesh. The great variety of possible definitions of HUL cities makes it clear that the dozen years which have passed since the first announcement of HUL in Ubiety Landscape Urban Design View do not provide sufficient historical distance to assess either the degree of success of its reception in comparison to its peer concepts or its utility to accomplish its original objectives.

Its critical history within that of the conceptual development of international urban heritage protection, however, will differentiate the regimes of urban heritage and demonstrate its current specificities through the study of the genesis of HUL.

Thus, the history of international urban heritage protection summarized through the emergence of HUL will be integrated into an evolution with a much wider scope. Urban landscape theories 100 book uses the example of HUL to demonstrate how the history of cultural heritage can be constructed as a historical urban landscape theories 100, as well as why it is necessary to demarcate History from cultural heritage and what consequences the increasing popularity of the latter has for History.

First, the conceptual history of urban heritage preservation�based on the standard-setting instruments of international organizations�reveals the fundamental elements of the current conception of urban heritage Chap. Second, this conception, as worded in the HUL approach, is investigated through the analysis of Vienna, which played a crucial role in the establishment of HUL Chap.

Third, to complete the Historical Urban Landscape approach, a parallel history of historical science and cultural heritage will be constructed in order to establish a periodiza- tion which makes it possible to integrate the Cultural Heritage Regimes into a broader historical context Chap.

Urban landscape theories 100 par- ticular methodology of each chapter is demonstrated in such a way as to show how it can be used in education, and each chapter is intended to trigger further debate and research about the relationship between social sciences and cultural heritage. Urban landscape theories 100 1. The two begetters of HUL published two volumes to explain the intentions underlying the use of this term.

Among several publications, the following volumes offer a com- prehensive view on the problem: Regina F. Bendix, Aditya Eggert, Arnika Peselmann eds. Bendix et al. Lucie K. Morriset, Lucie K. Labadi, S. International frameworks, national and local governance London-New York: Routledge 7�8. Bandarin, van Oers � HUL Buckley, K. International frameworks, national and local gover- nance London-New York: Routledge 93� Bandarin, Francesco, van Oers, Ron eds.

Bendix, R. Bortolotto, Chiara ed. Special issue. Fabre, D. Poulot, Dominique ed. Smith, L. Introduction The concept of HUL has urban landscape theories 100 an indispensable concept of cultural her- itage preservation in the past decade. It not only represents a new stage in the ever-expanding notion of cultural heritage from the urban landscape theories 100 through landscape to the intangiblebut it also means that the notion of cultural heritage urban landscape theories 100 no longer a mere concept of preservation but is also conceived as an institutionalized form of knowledge to interpret and manage the urban landscape theories 100, economic, and urban landscape theories 100 realties urban landscape theories 100 by its own evolution over several decades.

These texts reveal a process which started with The Athens Charter in the s and became increasingly intensive as time went by up to the last ten years, during which new instruments have emerged that do not simply attempt to find the most adequate ways to conserve urban heritage but are intended to frame all the aspects of the generated heritage cities and heritage quarters. Since HUL is the first officially defined notion with this purpose, its historical analysis could contribute to an understanding of why its defini- tion is necessary, how it is rooted in the roughly eight decades of inter- national heritage preservation, and urban landscape theories 100 it is sufficient to achieve its original objective, namely, to match the expectations related to the expan- sion of cultural heritage�as intangible heritage or as an organic element.

Seeing that the story of HUL covers the last decade, the methodological question also arises: can such a recent and unfinished period be chosen as an object of contemporary history? We started our analysis with the presupposition that history should not ignore the evolution of cultural heritage and its analysis requires the devel- opment of a special methodology that takes account of its contemporary nature.

This evolution is a continuous expansion, in which increasingly wide sectors of the environment and of society are interpreted as heri- tage while the number of preserved sites is also growing spectacularly. At the beginning of the s, World Heritage sites already numbered more thanmore than of which are in urban settings: either entire towns and quarters or historic monuments in an urban environment.

In addition to these World Heritage sites, there is a growing number of cities and towns under regional, national, or local protection, on which inter- national regulations are often imposed, whether directly or indirectly.

In this sense, the current concept urban landscape theories 100 HUL, which was created to handle these entities, can be understood as an object of conceptual history, which is part of the longer history of urban heritage preservation and of cultural heritage conservation in general.

The choice of the conceptual history approach for the analysis of HUL can be explained by the fact that HUL belongs to the notion of cultural heritage, which is also the result of a long evolution and represents the most institutionalized member of the presentist quartet of fuzzy notions that will be discussed in Chap.

This approach is especially beneficial when clear concepts are missing, as is the case with contemporary cultural heritage. The chronology of the genesis of HUL will be examined in detail in Chap. As we have already mentioned in Chap. The Emergence of the Notion of Urban Landscape Though the notion of HUL was not a conceptual invention of any scien- tific discipline dealing with the city, several such disciplines mainly urban geography, urban studies, monument urban landscape theories 100 heritage protection studies, his- tory of art applied the notion of landscape from the s onward to understand and analyze the modifications of urban territory and society.

After The Vienna Memorandum, these attempts multiplied, and reflections on this new notion were partially linked to the numerous scientific debates on the renewed notion of landscape. It is probably no exaggeration to say that by the s landscape had become the notion most frequently used to examine the relationship between territory and identity.

It is generally classi- fied as part of the vocabulary of modernization inasmuch as it is part of a new, objectivizing, and disenchanted approach8 in which nature emerges as landscape. Both the emergence and the prevalence of the notion of landscape par- ticular to a given era usually indicate two important modifications: 1 the interpretation of nature and the relationship between nature and society are undergoing changes and 2 one�normally privileged�social group must face unavoidable urban landscape theories 100. Our era tries to abandon the artificial separation between culture and nature through the notion of landscape, which can serve as a proper territorial reference for the ineluctable concept of sustainabil- ity.

These interpretations of landscape, specific to the two endpoints urban landscape theories 100 modernity, urban landscape theories 100 linked by the Romantic definition of landscape, which is strongly connected to nineteenth-century nation-building and to the related mapping of national territories as well as to sciences dedicated urban landscape theories 100 that mission.

Owing to these activities, the preceding essentially artistic urban landscape theories 100 of landscape were becoming scientific. For our present study, the most indicative continuous charac- teristic is probably that landscape is usually the construction of urban landscape theories 100 urban�elite, which instrumentalizes this notion to express a threatened or already lost credibility and, consequently, to protect itself against unavoidable changes.

Consequently, the contemporary definition of urban landscape meets the current tendencies to identify landscape with cultural landscape due to the heritagization of nature. In the early modern Europe, the notion of landscape had different con- notations in Germanic languages, in which it referred to territory, and in Romance languages, in which it referred both to the image and to the entity which was represented by the image.

The history of urban landscape depends on the language s which we take into consider- ation for its analysis. The birth of HUL prompts scholars to understand this new notion in the context of the conceptual evolution of urban landscape.

Hardly a year after the Vienna Conference, two scientific conferences were organized in March as an attempt at a comparative analysis of the emergence of HUL. The second group incorporates approaches which regard the city as 1 an object of infrastructural development; 2 an expanding megapolis, which requires appropriate urban planning; and 3 a site of constant transfor- mations, which need to be archived by means of photography.

All these approaches share an inner tension because their definition of urban land- scape encompasses reality and its perception, that is, both the referent and the representation. The replacement of townscape by landscape, anticipating the emer- gence of HUL, is less evident in French since both terms are translated by paysage urbain. In English, however, it is easily detectable in the s, and it suggests the gradual integration of approaches characterized urban landscape theories 100 the notion of townscape into urban planning and cultural geography, which would lead to the new notion of urban heritage protection in the s.

Landscape urbanism, for example, first meant only the planning and management of green urban territories in the s. Then, it progres- sively acquired environmental and ecological implications until it reached a point where it covered the whole of urban planning, regarded as a means of social mediation used to change the perception of the functioning of the city.

In conse- quence, HUL and the notion of cultural landscape would become incom- patible, and this might lead to conceptual confusions. This idea is developed further by Julian Smith through an analytical framework based on a dichotomy between twentieth-century modern object-observation-visuality-based and twenty-first-century postmodern rituals-experience-empathy-based architectural paradigms.

The intention of keeping HUL urban landscape theories 100 a modernist urban landscape theories 100 can be detected from the fact that its definition focusses on the development of VI instead of concentrating on the establishment of the participative and cultural role of the heritage architect.

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SlideShare Explore Search You. Submit Search. Home Explore. Successfully reported this slideshow. We use your LinkedIn profile and activity data to personalize ads and to show you more relevant ads. You can change your ad preferences anytime. Urban Landscape. Upcoming SlideShare. Like this presentation? Why not share! Embed Size px. Start on. Ian Thompson Landscape Architecture Vs Urban Design And has published a critical review of landscape urbanism in which he identifies its ten tenets and asks six critical questions.

His conclusions are:. There is also a quantity of dubious philosophy, unhelpful imagery and obscurantist language that Landscape Urbanism ought to dump. Larding the case for Landscape Urbanim with Deleuzian and Derridean references was a mistake, since it was done principally to impress an academic elite, and it has even left large sections of its intended audience bemused'.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Landscape Urbanism Reader. Landscape Urbanism and its Discontents. Journal of Landscape Architecture. International Journal of Urban Sciences. Archived from the original on Retrieved Lean Linear City.

Cosanti Press. ISBN Categories : Landscape Landscape architecture Urban planning Human ecology. Hidden categories: CS1 maint: archived copy as title All articles with dead external links Articles with dead external links from January Articles with permanently dead external links. Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Additionally, the entrance parts of these buildings are separated from the other parts because they have specific architecture with a place for sitting and resting.

These entrances create a unique and distinguished view that is specific to this region and these entrances are a factor of identity for these buildings. This region is extended along a narrow and long coastal strip whose humidity is very high due to the adjacency to the sea; but the shortage of raining has prevent any suitable vegetation except the palm trees and some limited fields that belong the residents.

In other cases, the region is wasteland. In most areas of this region the underground waters are very salty and the main soil of the region is limestone. Moreover, the heat difference between the day and night is not considerable.

Due to the hard climatic conditions and in order to encounter such conditions, creating the shadow and make use of the wind flow are two important factors in forming the form of the buildings and urban fabrics.

The urban fabric in these areas is semi-intensive and the rural fabric is relatively open. The urban fabric of the region is more intensive than the rural fabric due to the intensive population, economic problems and the expenses of the land. The urban and rural fabrics of these coastal areas are something between the open space of the Caspian Sea coasts and the close fabric of the central region of Iran. The urban spaces are semi-enclosed and the extension of the cities and coastal villages are mainly along the coast and toward the sea.

In relation to the general characteristics of the form of buildings in this region we can refer to the central yard and semi-introvert nature of the buildings, the maximal application of the shadow and air flow, height of the rooms, long and extended windows, roofed and large balconies, lack of basement, the flat surface of the roofs, the use of air pockets with wide mouths and the direction toward the sea.

Moreover, in this region the construction materials are those with high thermal capacity that save few heats. Additionally, due to the low level of vegetation, only wood is used for building the roofs, doors and windows Qobadian, Alborz Mountains and Zagros Maountains separate the central regions of Iran from the costs of Caspian Sea in the north and the Mesopotamia Plains in the west.

The general characteristics of the climate in this region include the intensive coldness in winter and mildness in summer, heavy snows in the north and northwest areas of the country, low humidity and very considerable difference between the heat of the day and night. Considering the very high coldness of the air, there is very little sun heat in most parts of the year, the exploitation of daily thermal fluctuation, preserving the heat and preventing the cold winter winds in the residential areas seem necessary.

Moreover, the very cold weather is a determining factor in the formation of the urban and rural fabric. Consequently, the fabric of the region is intensive and the buildings are connected to each other, the pathways are narrow and the urban spaces are small and closed as far as possible in order to encounter the penetration of the cold wind flow to these spaces.

Additionally, the direction of the sun is another determining factor in the extension and general scape of the cities. Like the urban fabric, the form of the buildings is designed with regard to the climate of the region and for preventing cold weather.

The buildings of this region are introverted with the central yard, the height of the rooms are low, the roofs are mainly flat, the openings are small, the walls are relatively thick, and the total form of the buildings is similar to a cubic geometry. A considerable point to be noted here is that in the northern hills of the Alborz Mountains, the traditional buildings have sloped roofs while the roof of other areas are flat.

The openings in this area are narrow in order to minimize the exchange of the weather between the internal and external spaces. This is while the openings of the southern walls of the buildings are wider in order to absorb as more as thermal energy of the sun as possible.

The width of the openings that are located toward the cold winter winds are as narrow as possible, and even such openings are removed in many cases. The construction materials in this region are mainly the local materials. In this regard, the walls are mainly made of the stone and the ceiling of the floors and the roofs are mainly made of wood and thatch Qobadian, Urban landscape is a concrete and objective phenomenon that exists in terms of the quality of manifestation of the physical factors and during the time, it finds a mental aspect by the human perceptions and become the jointing element of the people of society.

Different factors are effective in the formation of the structure and fabric of the city and its established elements and components among such factors one can refer to the topographic factors, the type of the soil, wind direction, accessibilities, etc.

Among these different factors, the weather or indeed the climate in which the cities are located plays a very effective role and it affects many other factors as well. Climatically, Iran is dividable into four regions in terms of the effect of climate on the urban fabric, form of the buildings, type of the materials, etc.

These four regions include the southern coasts of the Caspian Sea, northern coasts of the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea, high and mountainous areas, and the plateau deserts. Due to being placed in one of these climatic regions, many Iranian cities have specific and unique characteristics with urban signs of the relevant climate and consequently they have a unique urban landscape.

For example, due to be placed in the mild and humid region of the Caspian Sea, the cities in the north of the country have sloped roofs that make their urban landscape different from the cities of other regions.

On the other hand, the roofed pathways, the color and type of the materials, and the use of arch and dome in the cities of the central region of Iran has created a different and distinguished urban landscape for those cities and this landscape in turn is a factor of identity for them.

The existence of some elements such as the air pockets in some cities like Yazd and many southern cities of the countries has created a distinguished urban landscape apart from the functionality of those elements and their role as the signs in the cities, particularly in past eras.

Of course we have emphasize that the role of climate in the Iranian cities was very highlighted and stronger in past so that the architecture of the buildings and urban fabric used to be completely compatible with the environment and in line with exploiting the climatic conditions for providing the welfare of the residents; but unfortunately in modern era, the emergence of technologies has made all cities seem similar, regardless of their placement in different regions with different climates.

Toggle navigation. Copy the following to cite this article: Jalali N. Article Publishing History Received: Accepted: Introduction There is no consensus on the definition of the urban landscape. Methodology This article aims to study the role of the climate in the landscape of different Iranian cities. Urban Landscape Like urban planning, the term urban landscape is an old concept.

Formation of the Urban Landscape system In order to clarify the concept of urban landscape and its associated concepts, it is necessary Historic Urban Landscape Theory Form to explain the position of this concept in the interactions between the man and his environment. At the first step, the urban environment exposes its geometry and tangible features such as the smell, visual features, audio features, etc.

The result of the interaction in this step is a phenomenon known as the city scape. The result of the interaction between the urban environment and the mind of the person is a phenomenon known as the city image. The result of the interaction between the urban environment and the evaluative mind of the person is a phenomenon that Jack Nasser has called it the city evaluative image.

Figure1: The position of the urban landscape in the interaction between human and environment Click here to View figure By studying the relationship between the urban environment and the human we can conclude that the urban landscape is a system made of the combination of three subsystems, i. Indeed the urban landscape is the result of three types of vision: Viewing by the literally eye whose result is the city scape Viewing by the eye of the mind whose result is the city image Viewing by the eye of the heart whose result if the city evaluative image Structural and spatial Levels of the Urban Landscape Macro level The physical and spatial structure of the city at the macro level is proposed when the whole city or a large part of it is observable due to the specific place or position of the observer.

Figure2: the landscape of maybod city Click here to View figure Intermediate Level The physical and spatial elements of the city landscape at the intermediate level are proposed when the observers stands within the urban fabric. Figure3: nature bridge, Tehran Click here to View figure Micro Level This scale includes the closest confrontation of the citizen to the city. Figure4: The dome of Sheikh Lotfollah mosque Click here to View figure Table1: Structural and spatial levels of the urban landscape Click here to View table Urban Landscape and the Climate Iranian cities have the fabrics that are different in terms of the diversity of the climate and the environmental conditions that are the main and important factors in forming those fabrics.

Mild and Humid Climate Southern Coast of the Caspian Sea This region that locates in the southern coasts of the Caspian Sea is one of the most flourishing climatic regions of Iran and is considered as a mild region. Figure5: The scape of a rural house in mild and humid climate Click here to View figure Hot and Dry Climate Plateau Deserts The plateau deserts that are considered a considerable part of the Iranian areas are mainly located in the central and eastern parts of Iran.

Figure6: Urban landscape in hot and dry climate Click here to View figure Figure7: Path in hot and dry climate Click here to View figure Hot and Humid Climate Northern Coasts of the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea This region is extended along a narrow and long coastal strip whose humidity is very high due to the adjacency to the sea; but the shortage of raining has prevent any suitable vegetation except the palm trees and some limited fields that belong the residents.

Figure9: Urban landscape in cold climate Click here to View figure Conclusions Urban landscape is a concrete and objective phenomenon that exists in terms of the quality of manifestation of the physical factors and during the time, it finds a mental aspect by the human perceptions and become the jointing element of the people of society.

References Baqayi, P. Habib, F. Designing the urban landscape during the history. Abadi , 18, Habibi, A. Conceptual evolution of the landscape. Professional Journal of Landscape , 3, Sirous Sabri, R. Urban landscape. Qobadian, V. Cullen, G. Golkar, K. The concept of urban landscape. Mahmoudi, S. Urban landscape: some theories. Mashadizadeh Dehaqani, N.

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